Education Tomorrow
Volume 8 (2021)
Education Tomorrow
Volume 8 (2021)
ISSN (Online): 2523-1588 | ISSN (Print): 2523-157X
Published by Kipchumba Foundation
Open Access Article
CC BY 4.0
DOI: https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.19571597

The Human Cost of Cyclical Electoral Violence: A Personal Testimony from the Rift Valley, Kenya

Wilbert Kiplangat Kurgat
Daystar University
Corresponding Author: kurgatw35@gmail.com
ORCID iD:

Abstract

Purpose: This article provides a first-person account of the impact of cyclical pre- and post-election violence in Kenya, drawing from lived experiences in the Rift Valley region. It aims to ground theoretical discussions of ethnic conflict in the tangible realities of displacement, fear, and social fragmentation.

Methodology: The paper employs an autoethnographic methodology, analyzing the author's personal experiences during the 1991-1992, 1997, and 2007-2008 electoral cycles in Olenguruone, Bomet County, and Eldoret, Uasin Gishu County.

Findings: The testimony reveals that short-term mitigation, such as retreating into ethnically homogenous settlements, is a survival mechanism that exacerbates long-term segregation and distrust. The experience of the 2007-2008 post-election violence, in particular, created a profound sense of entrapment and a breakdown of social order.

Recommendations: The paper proposes that lasting peace requires proactive, grassroots-driven strategies that foster integration. Key recommendations include promoting inter-ethnic marriage, establishing joint economic and social activities, and encouraging mixed settlements to break down the spatial and social barriers that fuel electoral violence.

Keywords: electoral violence, ethnic conflict, autoethnography, Rift Valley, Kenya, peacebuilding, social cohesion

1. Introduction

The discourse on electoral violence in Kenya is often dominated by political analyses, casualty figures, and policy prescriptions. While crucial, these macro-level perspectives can obscure the profound, enduring human trauma experienced at the micro-level in conflict hotspots. The Rift Valley region has been the epicenter of Kenya's most devastating cycles of pre- and post-election violence, episodes that have scarred the national psyche and reshaped communal landscapes (Kagwanja, 2009). This article offers an intimate, first-hand testimony from Wilbert Kiplangat Kurgat, who grew up in Olenguruone, Bomet County—a region acutely affected by this violence. By presenting an autoethnographic account (Ellis et al., 2011), this paper aims to bear witness to the human cost of these conflicts and contribute a grounded, personal perspective to the academic and policy dialogue on peacebuilding in Kenya.

2. A Life Shaped by Cycles of Violence

My formative years and early adulthood were punctuated by the recurring nightmare of electoral violence. My family, neighbours, and community in Olenguruone were directly affected in the clashes of 1991-1992, 1997, and most severely, 2007-2008. While I witnessed the early-90s violence while working in Eldoret Town, Uasin Gishu County, the subsequent waves of conflict reached me directly at home, transforming our familiar environment into a landscape of fear.

The 1991-1992 and 1997 episodes were characterized by threats, property destruction, and localized skirmishes that sowed deep-seated fear. However, these were a prelude to the cataclysm of the 2007-2008 Post-Election Violence (PEV). During this period, the social contract completely dissolved. The feeling was no longer merely one of fear, but of utter hopelessness and entrapment. We were forced to flee our homes and hide in the bushes, our lives reduced to a primal struggle for safety. The simple act of travelling to Nairobi for work became a perilous journey through checkpoints and hostile territories, a stark reminder that the national crisis had hyper-localized, terrifying consequences.

The psychological impact of these experiences cannot be overstated. Even years after the violence ended, the memory of hiding in fear, the sound of burning homes, and the uncertainty of whether one would survive the next hour remains vivid. This is a trauma that does not heal with time but is instead reactivated with each new electoral cycle, as the same rhetoric and threats resurface.

Education Tomorrow
Volume 8 (2021)

3. The False Sanctuary of Ethnic Homogeneity

In the aftermath of these cycles, a common coping and mitigation strategy emerged: retreat. Different ethnic communities began withdrawing into near-homogenous settlements, creating ethnically pure zones perceived as safe havens. While this spatial segregation provided a temporary sense of security and collective defense, I observed that it is a deeply flawed and unsustainable solution.

This retreat effectively institutionalizes the very divisions that fuel the violence. It minimizes daily contact, erodes inter-communal trust, and allows negative stereotypes to fester in the absence of countervailing personal experiences (UNDP, 2013). It creates a physical and psychological map of "us" versus "them," making it easier to dehumanize the "other" in the next electoral cycle. This segregation, therefore, does not resolve conflict; it merely postpones it, creating a tinderbox of mutual suspicion.

I have witnessed how children growing up in these homogenous settlements have never had the opportunity to play with someone from a different ethnic background, to share meals, or to discover that the "other" is not the monster described by politicians. For them, the ethnic other remains an abstraction—and abstractions are easy to hate. This is how violence is reproduced across generations.

4. Pathways to Perpetual Coexistence: A Personal Proposal

Based on this lived experience, I am convinced that the long-term solution to the perennial problem of land and political conflict in the Rift Valley lies not in separation, but in deliberate and courageous integration. We must actively seek mutual parameters for perpetual coexistence. This requires moving beyond state-level interventions to community-owned initiatives, including:

  1. Promoting Intermarriage: While a sensitive topic, inter-ethnic marriage is one of the most powerful tools for social cohesion. It creates irrevocable kinship bonds that transcend political manipulation and build natural, familial allegiances across ethnic lines. Children of inter-ethnic marriages belong to both communities, making it impossible to draw clear lines of "us" and "them."
  2. Establishing Joint Activities: Creating structured opportunities for economic and social collaboration is essential. Joint farmer cooperatives, shared marketing initiatives, and inter-community sports and cultural festivals can foster a shared sense of purpose and interdependence (Lederach, 1997). When people work together to achieve common goals—whether growing crops, building a school, or winning a football match—they discover shared interests that override ethnic divisions.
  3. Encouraging Mixed Settlements: Policymakers and community leaders should actively encourage and incentivize mixed-up settlements. This daily proximity is the ultimate antidote to prejudice, forcing neighbors to see each other as individuals with shared human needs, rather than as monolithic ethnic blocs. Land allocation policies, housing schemes, and settlement programs should be designed to prevent ethnic clustering.
Education Tomorrow
Volume 8 (2021)

5. Conclusion

Cyclical electoral violence is not merely a political problem; it is a human tragedy that dictates where one can live, work, and travel, and instills a generational legacy of fear. My testimony from Olenguruone underscores that the instinct to separate for safety is a natural but ultimately self-defeating strategy. The spatialization of ethnicity only deepens the fissures that politicians exploit.

The challenging but necessary path forward is to consciously build bridges through intermarriage, shared economies, and integrated living. It is through these grassroots, relational frameworks that the people of the Rift Valley—and Kenya as a whole—can dismantle the architecture of conflict and forge a future where elections are a competition of ideas, not a trigger for existential threat. The task is not easy; it requires courage to be the first to cross the divide, to marry across ethnic lines when families object, to invest in a market located in a "hostile" area, to move into a mixed settlement when homogeneous ones feel safer. But the alternative—continued cycles of violence, displacement, and trauma—is far worse.

I write this testimony not as a victim but as a witness, and as a call to action. We who have experienced the horror of electoral violence have a responsibility to ensure that future generations do not inherit this legacy. That responsibility begins with the choices we make today about where we live, whom we marry, and how we treat our neighbors.

References

Ellis, C., Adams, T. E., & Bochner, A. P. (2011). Autoethnography: An overview. Historical Social Research, 36(4), 273-290.
Kagwanja, P. (2009). Courting genocide: Populism, ethno-nationalism and the informalization of violence in Kenya's 2008 post-election crisis. Journal of Contemporary African Studies, 27(3), 365-387.
Lederach, J. P. (1997). Building peace: Sustainable reconciliation in divided societies. United States Institute of Peace Press.
UNDP. (2013). Kenya: East African package on peacebuilding and conflict prevention. United Nations Development Programme.

How to Cite This Article

Kurgat, W. K. (2021). The human cost of cyclical electoral violence: A personal testimony from the Rift Valley, Kenya. Education Tomorrow, 8, 13-15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.19571597